tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-19913893500865699812024-02-06T20:23:16.144-08:00Politics@YorkResearch, news and events at the Department of Politics, University of YorkDepartment of Politicshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02037592555599697821noreply@blogger.comBlogger83125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-84985921866348970022017-06-06T08:37:00.000-07:002017-06-06T08:37:16.797-07:00Drowned out by the Corbyn effect, the Green Party struggles to cut through<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Professor Neil Carter has written an article on the Green Party in the election for The Conversation: <a href="http://theconversation.com/drowned-out-by-the-corbyn-effect-the-green-party-struggles-to-cut-through-78643">http://theconversation.com/drowned-out-by-the-corbyn-effect-the-green-party-struggles-to-cut-through-78643</a></span><a href="http://theconversation.com/drowned-out-by-the-corbyn-effect-the-green-party-struggles-to-cut-through-78643"></a><br /><br /><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjtjReMjPtxDaYMYnUmKGYyyfF12LcLMXj49oU2NFNZYcNFAuhJOVTPbcx1RnK7hL5zyk50R4Upvo8r6KBgxztseK5jTZzRcLAXFeLzADv3JvujX3T9S0vTM64pm9dFWkE9OfB9O1lahZnR/s1600/theconversation.png"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjtjReMjPtxDaYMYnUmKGYyyfF12LcLMXj49oU2NFNZYcNFAuhJOVTPbcx1RnK7hL5zyk50R4Upvo8r6KBgxztseK5jTZzRcLAXFeLzADv3JvujX3T9S0vTM64pm9dFWkE9OfB9O1lahZnR/s320/theconversation.png" /></a><br /><br />Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-80546141154896286842017-02-09T02:18:00.001-08:002017-02-09T02:18:56.636-08:00Populism in Europe<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Following up on her previous talks to the <a href="http://uoy-politics.blogspot.co.uk/2016/12/welfare-preferences-and-democracy-in.html" target="_blank">Portuguese parliament on welfare preferences and democracy</a>, Dr Monica Brito-Vieira spoke on 1st February on RTP 3 in Portugal about populism and the dangers it presents: <a href="http://www.rtp.pt/noticias/fronteiras-xxi/populismo-na-europa-a-analise-de-monica-brito-viera_v980106">http://www.rtp.pt/noticias/fronteiras-xxi/populismo-na-europa-a-analise-de-monica-brito-viera_v980106</a>. This debate was co-financed by the Fundação Francisco Manuel dos Santos - see here: <a href="https://ffms.pt/blog/artigo/85/afinal-o-que-e-o-populismo">https://ffms.pt/blog/artigo/85/afinal-o-que-e-o-populismo</a>.</span>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-46057534188221833232016-12-20T06:15:00.000-08:002016-12-20T06:16:25.548-08:00Welfare preferences and democracy in Portugal<div>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On the 6th December Dr Mónica Brito-Vieira (Senior Lecturer, Department of Politics) spoke to the Portuguese Parliament about the effects of the crisis on the welfare preferences of the precariat and the dilemmas it poses to the Portuguese democracy.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Portuguese Parliament is celebrating the 40th anniversary of the Portuguese Constitution with a cycle of conferences about the 1976 Constitution and its legacy. The Portuguese Constitution of 1976 marked the country's transition to democracy after 48 years of dictatorship. It includes one of the most extensive lists of social rights in the world and presents the architecture of a new universal welfare state intent on securing them. Since 1976, however, much has changed in the world and in the country. In particular, the Portuguese labour market has undergone major transformations, becoming increasingly dualized, with the labour force being now strongly divided between so-called "labour-maket insiders" and "labour-market outsiders". These correspond to "incumbent" employees, whose positions are protected by various employment-preserving devices, and workers lacking similar protection, who are either unemployed or get work only temporarily or have jobs in the "informal sector". The paper presented by Dr Brito-Vieira in Parliament, to both academics and MPs, discusses changes in the attitudes of "insiders" and "outsiders" in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis. As the budget squeezed, and various cuts were announced, it was likely that the social policy negotiation came to be perceived as a zero-sum game, with the preferences of insiders and outsiders becoming more distinctive and polarized. What we witness, however, is that this did not happen. In effect outsiders became more supportive of contributory policies, primarily beneficial to insiders. What explains this seemingly paradoxical result? This was the question driving discussion in Parliament.</span></div>
Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-51416742589975350732016-10-14T08:10:00.000-07:002016-10-14T08:10:36.222-07:00Diverging Capitalisms? Britain, the City of London and Europe<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">On 28th October Prof Lucia Quaglia will speak at the workshop 'Diverging Capitalisms, Part 2: Brexit and the new EU economic governance' at the Policy Network, London. This workshop is the second of a series of four events organised as part of the project <strong>‘<em>Diverging Capitalisms? Britain, the City of London and Europe’</em></strong>, which is a joint venture between </span><a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?hl=en-GB&q=http://www.feps-europe.eu/en/&source=gmail&ust=1476537733646000&usg=AFQjCNENMZA6OUTWyLMNrWz7TiFOgROvcA" href="http://www.feps-europe.eu/en/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">FEPS</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> (Foundation for European Progressive Studies, Brussels), </span><a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?hl=en-GB&q=http://www.policy-network.net/&source=gmail&ust=1476537733646000&usg=AFQjCNGGZp1qwmo5xvFaAYDte6vJoVXAig" href="http://www.policy-network.net/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Policy Network</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">, and </span><a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?hl=en-GB&q=http://speri.dept.shef.ac.uk/&source=gmail&ust=1476537733646000&usg=AFQjCNFG9zO59RGaFmC73FBAFidAZ0VFhg" href="http://speri.dept.shef.ac.uk/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #1155cc; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">SPERI</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> (Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute, University of Sheffield). For more information see </span><a data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?hl=en-GB&q=http://speri.dept.shef.ac.uk/events/diverging-capitalisms-part-2/&source=gmail&ust=1476537733646000&usg=AFQjCNEHaExZEi2ZxEYa_dEwwLIGtbt7EQ" href="http://speri.dept.shef.ac.uk/events/diverging-capitalisms-part-2/" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #1155cc;">http://speri.dept.shef.ac.uk/<wbr></wbr></span>events/diverging-capitalisms-<wbr></wbr>part-2/</span></a>.<br /><br /><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Lucia's paper on '<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black;">European Union Financial Regulation, Banking Union, Capital Markets Union and the United Kingdom' will examine post-crisis </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "times new roman",serif;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">reforms in these policy <span class="m_6352295630189192046gmail-st">areas by focusing on the preferences and influence of the United Kingdom (UK) in the policy process. It is argued that the UK </span>has <span class="m_6352295630189192046gmail-st">played a variety of roles – ‘foot-dragger’, ‘fence-sitter’ and ‘pace-setter’ - in the policies under discussion. The (at times considerable) British influence was geared towards the attainment of preferences that were shaped by domestic politics and political economy, first and foremost the interests of the financial services industry and the City of London.</span></span></span></span></span>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-68111933243393244672016-08-10T04:35:00.000-07:002016-08-10T04:35:07.008-07:00Return to the Commonwealth? UK-Africa trade after Brexit<em><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Calls for a post-Brexit return to the Commonwealth ignore the existing privileged EU-Africa trade relationship as well as the UK’s now diminished trade influence</span></em><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">In a </span><a href="http://www.daviddavismp.com/david-davis-speech-on-brexit-at-the-institute-of-chartered-engineers/"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">speech to the Institute of Chartered Engineers</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> in February, David Davis MP – now Secretary of State for Exiting the EU – told the audience: ‘The only Commonwealth country to enjoy a free trade agreement with the EU so far is South Africa.’ In fact, there are free trade agreements either awaiting adoption or in force between the EU and </span><a href="http://eulawanalysis.blogspot.co.uk/2015/11/the-eu-or-commonwealth-dilemma-for-uk.html"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">32 Commonwealth countries</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">. Regardless of its accuracy, Davis’s assertion reflects a broader narrative put forward by the ‘liberal leavers’ in the Brexit campaign. Their argument was that membership of the </span><a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/06/04/michael-gove-and-boris-johnson-tell-david-cameron-youve-deceived/"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">‘protectionist’</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> EU constrains the UK’s ability to make trade links with the wider world – and particularly with Britain’s </span><a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/newstopics/eureferendum/12193101/Brexit-will-allow-Britain-to-embrace-the-Commonwealth.html"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">apparently natural partners in the Commonwealth</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">.<br /><br />One might therefore be forgiven for thinking that in the wake of the Brexit vote on 23 June we are about to witness a reinvigoration of UK trade links with Africa – the continent that is home to the largest number of Commonwealth members (18 out of 53). Yet, while the UK outside the EU may well look to maintain equivalence with existing European trade agreements in Africa, it is unlikely that these will be extended or reformed and the UK will lose the significant influence it once had in shaping EU trade policy towards Africa.<br /><br />Contrary to the myth that the </span><a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/10265602/Britain-must-look-beyond-the-EU-and-focus-on-links-with-the-Commonwealth.html"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">UK ‘betrayed’ the Commonwealth</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> by joining the EU in 1973, the majority of Commonwealth countries – those located in Africa, the Caribbean and Pacific – were in fact incorporated into the EU’s system of trade preferences at this time. Under the 1975 Lomé Convention, this arrangement provided the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries with unilateral preferential access to the EU market, a series of lucrative commodity protocols for bananas, beef, rum and sugar and development finance through the European Development Fund. The EU’s special relationship with the ACP countries served to preserve and extend the UK’s links with this group of former colonies at a time when the Commonwealth was otherwise fractious and divided.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">More recently, the EU-ACP relationship has been decisively shaped by a set of controversial negotiations for free trade agreements – known as the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) – initiated by the EU. These negotiations have led to a </span><a href="http://ecdpm.org/great-insights/economic-partnership-agreements-beyond/"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">patchwork of trade arrangements across Africa</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">, in which some countries have signed Economic Partnership Agreements while others make use of unilateral duty free access to the EU market under a scheme called ‘</span><a href="http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2013/april/tradoc_150983.pdf"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Everything but Arms</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">’. This patchwork of arrangements is unsatisfactory for a number of reasons – not least its potentially disruptive implications for African regional integration. However, it is this reality – rather than any British allegiance to the Commonwealth countries – that will provide the starting point for the UK’s trade relations with Africa following Brexit.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Upon leaving the EU, the UK will cease to be party to EU trade agreements and third countries will lose any preferential access to the UK market that those agreements currently confer. However, there are political reasons why the UK may seek to preserve the duty and quota free access to the British market that the large majority of African countries currently enjoy. Although trade with the UK accounts for only a small proportion of total African goods exports (</span><a href="http://www.trademap.org/"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">3.6 percent</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">), any loss of market access would have a significant negative effect on certain industries (for example </span><a href="http://www.ceoafrica.co.ke/2016/06/30/the-impact-of-brexit-on-kenya/"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Kenya’s cut flower producers</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">). There will therefore be pressure on the UK from African governments and UK-based development organisations to make sure that African countries do not face increased trade barriers.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">The simplest way to achieve this would be to seek to mirror existing EU trade arrangements with African countries. This could be done by offering those countries that have signed an Economic Partnership Agreement a parallel trade deal with the UK on the same or similar terms and setting up an arrangement akin to the EU’s unilateral Everything but Arms scheme.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">A more ambitious plan would be to seek to extend or substantially reform the relationship that the UK has with Africa under current EU arrangements. Here, there are two possible scenarios:</span></div>
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<li><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">The UK could aim to push further in its trade liberalisation with Africa (or selected African countries) by seeking agreements that include not just trade in goods – as covered by the existing EPAs – but also trade in services and a range of regulatory issues such as investment and competition rules. A similar EU agenda for the EPA negotiations met with very considerable resistance from African countries and development NGOs (as Tony Heron and myself have discussed in a recent </span><a href="https://pure.york.ac.uk/portal/en/publications/limits-to-market-power(7cc90263-a7ee-4289-b817-847189dcd688).html"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">article</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">).</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">The UK could seek to avoid the patchwork of arrangements currently in place between the EU and Africa by unilaterally offering duty and quota free access to its market to all African countries. This would likely meet the approval of many African governments and UK civil society organisations, but would require a waiver from the World Trade Organisation’s most favoured nation and non-discrimination provisions.</span></li>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Both of these options would necessitate the investment of considerable negotiating resources on the part of the UK – either to persuade African countries of the merits of more comprehensive free trade agreements or to reach a settlement on a waiver at the WTO.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">The UK seems unlikely to engage in drawn out negotiations to extend or replace existing EU-Africa trade arrangements given the severe constraints on UK trade negotiating capacity after Brexit – the UK currently has only a handful of the estimated </span><a href="http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/3c76e90a-270e-11e6-8ba3-cdd781d02d89.html#axzz4Ci89kG6L"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">500</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">–</span><a href="http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/7ccfd858-41e0-11e6-b22f-79eb4891c97d.html#axzz4DWTDvhd5"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">750</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> experienced negotiators that will be needed for post-Brexit trade talks.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">While a number of African economies have been amongst the fastest growing in the world in the last decade, Africa remains the destination for only </span><a href="http://trademap.org/"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">2.6 percent</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> of UK goods exports. The UK’s trade negotiating efforts will instead be targeted, first, at reaching a satisfactory arrangement with the EU and </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/why-uk-could-be-doomed-to-years-without-proper-access-to-world-trade-61782"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">renegotiating British membership of the World Trade Organisation</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">. A secondary priority will be to negotiate trade deals with other key markets and partners (for example the US, Canada, India, Brazil and China). Even those leave campaigners who have extolled the virtues of a return to the Commonwealth rarely mention Africa – or do so in </span><a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-36800243"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">highly derogatory and racist terms</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> in the case of newly appointed Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson – instead focusing their attention on </span><a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/10265602/Britain-must-look-beyond-the-EU-and-focus-on-links-with-the-Commonwealth.html"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Australia and New Zealand</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">My hope is that Brexit will not lead to a loss of African access to the UK market – although this is not guaranteed and will require swift action from the UK government before exit from the EU is finalised. Meanwhile, the UK seems highly unlikely to launch an ambitious trade agenda of its own in Africa given its hugely constrained trade negotiating capacity. And what is certain is that following Brexit the UK will lose any influence in shaping the future of Africa’s trade relationship with the EU – still Africa’s most significant trading partner by some considerable distance. The UK will have no say in the EU’s plans to extend the Economic Partnership Agreements, in the EU’s ongoing efforts to promote regional integration in Africa, or in the future of European agricultural subsidies that continue to cause damage to African producers. In other words, there will likely be no reinvigoration of trade relations with Africa as a result of Brexit and instead the UK will lose the considerable influence that it used to wield through its EU membership.</span><br />
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<em><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Peg Murray-Evans, Department of Politics, University of York<br /></span></em><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi4Mrgi3z6bflvCSHplVvneT0ErQOgylvNIMjJkTOogDIRW_8pBya1lEBmZfHS2y0VWgSPDpF4TJY5UQyD7CRGaNEMdQ3sBX95NFQU8LFQu0q-B5rzx0YKfba34eCVW8SxNISTig4XZN0x-/s1600/PME-100.jpg"><em><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi4Mrgi3z6bflvCSHplVvneT0ErQOgylvNIMjJkTOogDIRW_8pBya1lEBmZfHS2y0VWgSPDpF4TJY5UQyD7CRGaNEMdQ3sBX95NFQU8LFQu0q-B5rzx0YKfba34eCVW8SxNISTig4XZN0x-/s1600/PME-100.jpg" /></span></em></a><br /><br /><em><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Please note: this piece originally appeared on the </span></em><a href="http://speri.dept.shef.ac.uk/2016/07/21/return-to-the-commonwealth-uk-africa-trade-after-brexit/"><em><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">SPERI Political Economy blog</span></em></a><em><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">, and is re-posted here with permission.</span></em>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-83305551329079993062016-04-19T03:07:00.001-07:002016-04-19T03:07:28.635-07:00The EU Referendum and the UK environment: An Expert Review<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="color: black;"><a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/politics/people/neil-carter/" target="_blank">Professor Neil Carter</a> is one of the contributors to '<span style="line-height: 1.15;">The EU Referendum and the UK environment: An Expert Review', which </span><span style="line-height: 1.5;">provides a detailed review of the academic evidence on how EU membership has influenced UK policies, systems of decision making and environmental quality. Containing 14 chapters and over 60,000 words, it documents how the EU has affected UK environmental policy and how, in turn, the UK has worked through the EU to shape wider, international thinking. It has been authored by 14 international experts, who have drawn on the findings of over 700 publications to offer an impartial and authoritative assessment of the evidence. Overall, the r</span><span style="line-height: 18.21px;">eport concludes that, on balance, the net environmental benefits of EU membership have been positive. </span><span style="color: #4c4c4c; line-height: 1.5;"><span style="color: black;">Neil Carter's contribution focuses on the impact of EU membership on the response of political parties to environmental issues.</span></span></span></span><br />
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<span style="color: #4c4c4c;"><span style="line-height: 19.5px;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="color: black;">See the executive summary at:</span> <a href="http://ukandeu.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Executive-summary-EU-referendum-UK-environment.pdf">http://ukandeu.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Executive-summary-EU-referendum-UK-environment.pdf</a></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #4c4c4c;"><span style="line-height: 19.5px;"><span style="color: black; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">The full report is at: <a href="http://ukandeu.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Expert-Review_EU-referendum-UK-environment.pdf">http://ukandeu.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Expert-Review_EU-referendum-UK-environment.pdf</a></span></span></span><div>
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<span style="font-family: arial, helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #4c4c4c; line-height: 1.5;"><span style="color: black;">See the blog at:</span> <a href="http://environmenteuref.blogspot.co.uk/p/the-report.html">http://environmenteuref.blogspot.co.uk/p/the-report.html</a></span></span></span></div>
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Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-6423534775212706712016-03-29T07:10:00.000-07:002016-03-29T07:11:34.821-07:00Applicants sought - EU Marie Skłodowska-Curie Individual Fellowships<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">The Department is seeking applications from<strong> </strong>researchers with a PhD (or at least 4 years’ full-time research experience) to apply for an EU Marie Skłodowska-Curie Individual Fellowship. In all cases, the fellowship must involve an element of mobility (specified below). </span></span><br />
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<li style="color: black; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal;"><div style="color: black; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 8pt; margin-top: 0cm; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt;">
<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">European Fellowships are held in EU Member States or Associated Countries and are open to researchers either coming to Europe or moving within Europe. European fellowships are 12-24 months in length. To apply for a fellowship with York, you must not have been based in the UK for more 12 months of the 3 years preceding the call deadline (14/09/2016).</span></span></div>
</li>
<li style="color: black; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal;"><div style="color: black; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 8pt; margin-top: 0cm; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt;">
<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Global Fellowships are based on a secondment to a third country and a mandatory 12 month return period to a European host. Global Fellowships are 12 to 24 months for the outgoing phase, plus 12 months for the return phase in Europe. To apply for a fellowship with York, you must be an EU / Associated country national or have been resident in the UK for 5 years or more. You must also have spent you must not have spent more than 12 months of the 3 years preceding the call deadline (14/09/2016) in the third country.</span></span></div>
</li>
</ul>
<div style="color: black; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 8pt; margin-top: 0cm; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt;">
<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In order to be considered, please submit the following documents to Ed Kirby (</span><a href="mailto:ed.kirby@york.ac.uk"><span style="color: blue;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">ed.kirby@york.ac.uk</span></span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">) by 4pm on Friday 27th May:</span></span></div>
<ul style="direction: ltr; list-style-type: disc;">
<li style="color: black; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal;"><div style="color: black; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 8pt; margin-top: 0cm; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt;">
<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A copy of your CV (following the Marie-Curie Individual Fellowship guidelines – see p. 41 of the guide available </span><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/research/participants/portal/doc/call/h2020/h2020-msca-if-2015/1657607-guide_for_applicants_if_2015_v_2_en.pdf" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">here</span></span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">) </span></span></div>
</li>
<li style="color: black; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal;"><div style="color: black; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 8pt; margin-top: 0cm; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt;">
<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">A two page outline of the proposed research project</span></span></div>
</li>
<li style="color: black; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal;"><div style="color: black; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 8pt; margin-top: 0cm; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 36.0pt;">
<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"></span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Up to 1 page on your proposed mentor, your reasons for this choice and the wider fit between your project and the Department </span></span></div>
</li>
</ul>
<div style="color: black; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 8pt; margin-top: 0cm; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "verdana" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">It is recommended that you contact your proposed mentor in advance of applying. If you have any questions regarding the process please contact </span><a href="mailto:ed.kirby@york.ac.uk"><span style="color: blue;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Ed Kirby</span></span></a><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">.</span></span></div>
Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-58593710290029430182016-02-24T04:10:00.000-08:002016-02-24T04:10:14.551-08:00The place of financial services in TTIP negotiations<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">In this </span><a href="http://www.policy-network.net/uploads/media/154/9344.PDF" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">policy brief</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> commissioned by Policy Network, <span style="color: black;">Lucia Quaglia</span> examines the place of financial services in TTIP negotiations, highlighting the surprising fact that the US authorities are less keen than the EU authorities on regulatory cooperation in the field of financial services for fear of <em>lower</em> standards. Her paper was disseminated at an event on TTIP organised by Policy Network on 25 February in London. Several policy makers, including Commissioner Malmstrom attended the event. See here for further information: </span><a href="http://www.policy-network.net/news_detail.aspx?ID=4074" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #1155cc;">http://www.policy-network.net/<wbr></wbr></span>news_detail.aspx?ID=4074</span></span></a>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-25932755199228145022016-02-24T04:04:00.001-08:002016-02-24T04:05:35.073-08:00Professor Lucia Quaglia provides evidence to the House of Lords<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In February Professor Lucia Quaglia gave evidence to the House of Lords Sub-Committee for Economic and Financial Affairs for the preparation of an inquiry on Economic and Monetary Union. The session discussed: the completion of Banking Union and in particular the setting up of a common deposit guarantee scheme and a fiscal backstop; the completion of Economic and Monetary Union and in particular the need for a mechanism for macroeconomic counter cyclical stabilisation, economic policy coordination and fiscal transfers; the external representation of the euro area; the implications of Banking Union and Economic and Monetary Union for euro area outsiders.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Further details can be found at: </span><a href="http://www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/lords-select/eu-financial-affairs-subcommittee/news-parliament-2015/lilico-quaglia-marsh-evidence-session/" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #1155cc;">http://www.parliament.uk/<wbr></wbr></span>business/committees/<wbr></wbr>committees-a-z/lords-select/<wbr></wbr>eu-financial-affairs-<wbr></wbr>subcommittee/news-parliament-<wbr></wbr>2015/lilico-quaglia-marsh-<wbr></wbr>evidence-session/</span></a><br />
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<br />Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-63771426835093129652016-02-10T02:59:00.001-08:002016-02-10T02:59:16.841-08:00WHY THE LEAVE CAMPAIGN IS LIKELY TO LOSE<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://4.bp.blogspot.com/-dy4o8OrxG0Q/VrsW0z_Cv_I/AAAAAAAAAYQ/JQsiQqtQc60/s1600/jrb.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://4.bp.blogspot.com/-dy4o8OrxG0Q/VrsW0z_Cv_I/AAAAAAAAAYQ/JQsiQqtQc60/s1600/jrb.jpg" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">Events over the last few days
should have put a spring in the step of the euro-sceptics in Britain. The
recent draft paper setting out the basic parameters of David Cameron’s
renegotiation deal was savaged by the press last week.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=1991389350086569981#_edn1" name="_ednref1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">[i]</span></span></span></span></a>
A YouGov poll for The Times on the weekend put the Leave campaign nine points
in front (although research was carried out on line and such a methodology
proved to be problematic during last year’s general election). More generally,
the European Union (EU) is perceived by many to be in crisis, buffeted by the
twin threats of sovereign debt default (especially in Greece) and large scale
migration from the Middle East. On the face of it, it looks like a difficult
time to be a supporter of Britain’s continued membership of the EU. </span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">However, there are a number of
reasons why the Remain campaign ought to be quietly confident going into a
referendum campaign which looks set to take place sometime this summer. First,
for all the disparagement that Cameron’s renegotiation deal has received, the
details of this agreement are unlikely to remain a key feature of the debate
for long. Most members of the public are probably unaware of the precise terms
of this so-called ‘new settlement’, and are unlikely to be able to make an
informed judgement about its merits. To make this point, is not to imply the
British public is stupid. Rather, such a judgment would require extensive
knowledge of the workings of the EU: knowledge that even the most diligent and
conscientious person would find difficult to work up before the plebiscite. As
soon as the campaign begins, it is likely to quickly default to a discussion of
the costs and benefits of EU membership for Britain more generally.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">As and when this happens, the
Remain camp will be on much stronger ground. Despite complaints of red tape
from a bureaucratic Brussels, recent Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development (OECD) data has demonstrated that Britain’s product markets are the
second least regulated in the EU (after the Netherlands) and its labour market
regulation is comparable with non-EU countries such as the US, Canada and
Australia.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=1991389350086569981#_edn2" name="_ednref2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">[ii]</span></span></span></span></a>
Membership of the EU has helped Britain to increase trade in goods with those
countries that are members of this organisation, while at the same time
increasing its attractiveness as a destination for foreign direct investment.
While much still needs to be done to complete the Single Market in services
(the service sector makes up about three quarters of the UK economy) progress
towards this goal is likely to be even slower if Britain leaves the EU. Euro-sceptics
underestimate the difficulties of forging trade deals in a post-Brexit world. A
previous enthusiasm for a multilateral approach to trade negotiations at the
global level appears lately to have given way to a preference for bi-lateral
deals. Britain’s economy is already comparatively open, meaning it would have
relatively little leverage in such an environment.</span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">Conversely, the Leave camp is
divided concerning the best focus for their arguments. Leave.EU (supported by
UKIP’s leader Nigel Farage) wants to focus on the threat of immigration from
the EU. Vote Leave (a cross-party grouping supported by Douglas Carswell,
UKIP’s only MP) wants to focus on the economic argument for Brexit, suggesting
the UK could successfully become a Singapore style off-shore financial centre
(open to capital and migration). Relations between the two groups are not good
and barring the occurrence of a significant development, the chances of the two
uniting behind a common campaign do not look promising. Instead, it looks
increasingly likely that Vote Leave will become the group to lead the official Leave
campaign. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">If the euro-sceptics are
organisationally divided, they also remain unclear precisely what Brexit will
mean for Britain in practice. Some support the idea that the UK should try and
retain complete membership of the Single Market after Britain leaves the EU
(the Norwegian option). Alternatively, London could negotiate individual
agreements in preferred sectors, in a sort of ‘pick ‘n’ mix’ fashion (the Swiss
Option). However, as critics have noted, if Britain wants full or even partial access
to the Single Market it would still have to accept EU regulations as part of
the deal, yet would now have no influence over the content of these rules.
Other argue that Britain should quit the Single Market altogether and use its
membership of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) to open up trade with the EU.
While the WTO has helped to bring down barriers to trade in goods, it has been much
less successful when it comes to opening up international markets in services.
None of these arguments seem to demonstrate convincingly that Brexit would
allow Britain to gain greater control over its economic future. </span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">Finally, while it is true that the
British press has become notably more euro-sceptic since the 1990s, there are
reasons to question how much influence this section of the media will have on
the referendum result. Research suggests that the majority of the electorate is
as likely to get their political news from the television or the radio. Of
course the coverage of current affairs programmes on these media outlets can be
influenced by articles in euro-sceptical newspapers. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But TV and radio journalism is constrained by
a legal requirement to provide political balance. This constraint is likely to
at least partially negate the impact of papers like The Sun, The Mail or The Express
on public sentiment. </span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">Of course, there is a long way to
go and it would be a brave person to predict the result of the referendum this
far in advance. At the time of writing, Boris Johnson has yet to declare his
hand, and his support has the potential to dramatically alter the fortunes of
the Leave campaign which currently lacks a really high profile leader. However,
it remains the fact that the Leave campaign has to sell change. And if it is to
sell change successfully it needs to be united around an alternative course of
action, and clear that this alternative is better than the status quo. At the
moment, it has failed to demonstrate either. Until it does so, it is likely to
lose the vote when it takes place. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">Post by Dr Jim Buller </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span><div style="mso-element: endnote-list;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;"><br clear="all" />
</span><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span><div id="edn1" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=1991389350086569981#_ednref1" name="_edn1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">[i]</span></span></span></span></a> See
my colleague Sofia Vasilopoulou’s recent comments at: <b><span style="color: #555555; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">https://theconversation.com/a-deal-half-sealed-eu-plan-waters-down-some-of-britains-demands-54063 </span></b></span>
</div>
</div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span><div id="edn2" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span><div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=1991389350086569981#_ednref2" name="_edn2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt;">[ii]</span></span></span></span></a>
J. Springford, S. Tilford and P. Whyte (2014) <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Economic Consequences of the Leaving the EU</i> (London: Centre for
European Reform) pp. 43-44</span></div>
</div>
</div>
Anonymousnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-48826842355362712842015-11-17T09:52:00.001-08:002015-11-17T09:52:29.494-08:00Lucia Quaglia hints at “a convoluted decision-making process” on banking resolution<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Speaking on the sidelines of a talk given at Scuola Normale Superiore in Palazzo Strozzi (Florence), Lucia Quaglia, Professor of Political Science at the University of York (UK) reviewed the entangled governance of the Single Resolution Mechanism (SRM), and stressed that ‘the most convoluted part of the process is how to take decisions within the Single Resolution Board’. More specifically, Quaglia pointed at the number of policy actors involved in the process and concluded that, going forward, there could be some ‘lack of clarity as to who is responsible’.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Professor Quaglia also examined the intricacies of the UK’s position on the EU Banking Union. Going beyond the obvious political reason why the UK is not part of the Banking Union (the UK decided not to join EMU in 1999), she also underscored the chief importance of economic factors and in particular the structure of the EU banking system in explaining the reluctance of the UK to join the SRM: the UK’s banking system ‘is a system that is very internationalized rather than just Europeanized’.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Putting things in the larger perspective of open economies facing interdependence pressures, Lucia Quaglia went on and explained that ‘by and large, all countries regardless whether they are in the euro area or even in the European Union, face what some economists call a financial trilemma, between the stability of the financial sector, international financial integration and national policies for the regulation, resolution and supervision of banks’. An additional constraint for euro area countries, she added, is that ‘the lender of last resort is no longer at the national level but hasn’t really been moved to the EU level’.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana;"></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana;">See the full interview here: <a href="http://fbf.eui.eu/lucia-quaglia-hints-at-a-convoluted-decision-making-process-on-banking-resolution/">http://fbf.eui.eu/lucia-quaglia-hints-at-a-convoluted-decision-making-process-on-banking-resolution/</a></span>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-58566106944961743132015-10-21T03:56:00.000-07:002015-10-21T03:56:24.771-07:00Here’s what Britons really want David Cameron to get from Brussels<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">The victory of the Conservatives in the 2015 UK parliamentary election has paved the way for a referendum on the UK’s EU membership by 2017. British Prime Minister David Cameron has a mandate to hold the referendum on the question of whether Britain should remain a member of the EU.</span><br />
<br />
<div class="oneHalf gutter artBodyWide">
<div class="story">
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<div class="secondPar">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Prior to the referendum, Cameron is expected to renegotiate the UK’s place in the EU on a number of key issues, which include giving greater powers to national parliaments, cutting red tape, an opt-out for Britain from the principle of ever-closer union, and restrictions to welfare entitlements of EU migrants. Britain’s place in the EU is now one of the most important questions in British politics.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana;"></span> </div>
<div class="fifthPar">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">But how </span><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/newstopics/eureferendum/11617702/poll.html" target="_blank">Eurosceptic is the British public</a></span><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">? Research I carried out recently on British attitudes towards the EU and which is </span><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.policy-network.net/publications_detail.aspx?ID=4964" target="_blank">presented on the Policy Network website</a></span><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> suggests that there is great variation not only on how much power Britons want to give to the EU but also in their support for specific policy areas.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana;"></span> </div>
<div class="body">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Somewhat against expectation, there is a substantive section of the population that supports a greater role for the EU in all EU policy areas. About a quarter of respondents on average also neither agree nor disagree with the statement that the EU should have more authority over the EU member states in specific policy areas, which suggests that they are broadly happy with the current levels of integration.</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">The British public tends to support a greater role for the EU in policies that are perceived to be optimal for all countries involved, such as trade and the digital economy. They also support integration in policies such as environment and climate change, which by their nature require international cooperation. They tend to oppose further integration in social policies, such as labour market, employment and social affairs, education and health, as well as economic and monetary policies, which are perceived to belong to the realm of the nation state.</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Britons are reluctant to support policies that entail a level of redistribution across the EU that goes beyond traditional EU funding, such as EU citizens’ right to work and access to the welfare state of another EU country. Only 27 per cent of respondents disagree with the statement that the right of EU citizens to work in other EU countries should be restricted; 17 per cent neither agree nor disagree with the statement, while over half of the respondents (56 per cent) think that this right should be restricted (although to varying degrees). The overwhelming majority of respondents (73 per cent) agree that EU citizens should be allowed to receive welfare benefits only in their country of origin, and only 13 per cent disagree with this statement.</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">This is problematic as opposition to free labour movement infringes upon a fundamental EU principle. Changing this may require a full EU treaty change, which is unlikely to occur by 2017. Consistent with previous research, opposition to EU citizens’ right to work in another EU country derives primarily from older, less educated and working-class citizens, who may feel threatened by such mobility. UK Independence party and Conservative party supporters tend to be less supportive of free movement of labour within the EU.</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Britons tend to have a utilitarian perspective on their country’s EU membership as they support policies where no one is perceived to be worse off as a result of European integration, and they tend to agree that Britain has benefited from being a member of the EU. Yet, the EU also provokes emotive reactions among British citizens, which range from uneasiness to hopefulness and to indifference.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> </span><br />
<span class="ssImg "><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><img alt="UK government contributions to the EU budget" src="http://i.telegraph.co.uk/multimedia/archive/03357/eu-uk-contribution_3357744b.jpg" height="412" width="620" /></span></span><br />
<em><span class="ssImg "><span class="artImageExtras"><span class="ingCaptionCredit"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span class="caption">UK government contributions to the EU budget</span><span class="credit"> Photo: HM TREASURY</span></span></span></span></span></em><br />
<em><span class="ssImg "><span class="artImageExtras"><span class="ingCaptionCredit"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span class="credit"></span></span></span></span></span></em><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">When asked to describe their feelings about Britain’s membership of the EU, almost half of respondents reported that they felt uneasy about it. Other negative emotions that the EU provokes are anger (18 per cent), fear (16 per cent) and disgust (15 per cent). Quite strikingly, a quarter also feels indifferent, which indicates that this pool of voters may not turn out to vote; or if they do turn out to vote, they might decide how to vote quite late. In addition, although on average the EU provokes less positive emotions, data suggest that a quarter of the respondents feel hopeful about Britain’s membership of the EU.</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">This suggests that there is a clash between interest-based rational thinking and emotional attitudes to Britain’s EU membership. Beyond economic calculations, emotional reactions may be central to determining the outcome of the forthcoming referendum. There is room for media and political campaigns to tap into people’s emotions, especially when it comes to uneasiness and fear, as people expressing these emotions may be more prone to changing their opinion on the EU as a result of exposure to information.</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">This is even more important now that Jeremy Corbyn has been elected as Labour party leader. His </span><a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/11859648/Jeremy-Corbyn-admits-he-voted-for-Britain-to-leave-Europe-in-1975.html" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">ambivalent view on the EU</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> is revealing disagreements within the party and may contribute to further dividing public opinion.</span><br />
<br />
<strong><a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/11863241/Heres-what-Britons-really-want-David-Cameron-to-get-from-Brussels.html" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">This piece</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> by </span><a href="https://www.york.ac.uk/politics/people/sofia-vasilopoulou/" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Dr Sofia Vasilopoulou</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">, Lecturer in Politics at the University of York and an awardee of ESRC's </span><a href="http://ukandeu.ac.uk/" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">UK in a Changing Europe</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> programme, was originally published in </span><a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">The Daily Telegraph</span></a></strong></div>
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Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-51197577707279655132015-10-05T06:40:00.000-07:002015-10-05T06:40:53.240-07:00The curse of polarised politics in Catalonia<a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-J919I739IH4/VhJ8mm-c4mI/AAAAAAAAAWE/0Nhg2wPELI8/s1600/sandra%2Bpic%2B%2528large%2529.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="150" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-J919I739IH4/VhJ8mm-c4mI/AAAAAAAAAWE/0Nhg2wPELI8/s200/sandra%2Bpic%2B%2528large%2529.jpg" width="200" /></a><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">Dr Sandra Leon has published a blog piece about the Catalan election "The curse of polarised politics in Catalonia". Read the full blog here: <a href="http://www.centreonconstitutionalchange.ac.uk/blog/curse-polarised-politics-catalonia">http://www.centreonconstitutionalchange.ac.uk/blog/curse-polarised-politics-catalonia</a></span>Anonymousnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-33479034706012681532015-07-09T04:44:00.000-07:002015-07-09T04:44:45.463-07:00EU leaders know the plan, but need convincing of Cameron’s motivations<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/SVimage(small).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/SVimage(small).jpg" /></a></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Dr Sofia Vasilopoulou has written a blog for The <span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Conversation: 'EU leaders know the plan, but need convincing of Cameron’s motivations'. Read it</span> here: <a href="https://theconversation.com/eu-leaders-know-the-plan-but-need-convincing-of-camerons-motivations-43931">https://theconversation.com/eu-leaders-know-the-plan-but-need-convincing-of-camerons-motivations-43931</a></span>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-35722886724579928292015-06-17T04:02:00.000-07:002015-06-17T04:04:09.098-07:00Call for papers - Enacting the People: Political Representation and Democratic Legitimacy<div class="left" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;">
<img alt="Political Representation and Democratic Legitimacy conference image" src="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/research/Rep_Grad_Conference_2015-505x336.jpg" height="212" title="Political Representation and Democratic Legitimacy conference image" width="320" /></div>
<br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><strong>After several decades of widespread neglect, the concept of political representation is making a comeback in various academic disciplines.</strong> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"></span> </div>
<h3 class="newsTeaserText">
<span style="font-size: 1em;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">The conference</span></span></h3>
<div class="newsTeaserText">
<span style="font-size: 1em;"></span><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Political representation lies at the core of modern politics, yet we remain deeply ambivalent about its worth and significance. Addressing this ambiguity requires a serious exploration into the genealogy of the concept of representation as well as cutting-edge work of conceptual clarification and conceptual innovation confronting the question of what political representation <em>is </em>and/or what it can <em>do</em>, and <em>how</em>. Given the prominence of the idea of representation in democratic theory and democratic practice, none of this would be complete without an attempt to revisit fundamental and vexed problems concerning the relation of representation to democracy.</span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">The York Graduate Conference “Enacting the People: Political Representation and Democratic Legitimacy” is an opportunity for current graduate students and early career researchers to present their research on these and related questions to other graduate students, early career researchers, and senior members of the University of York. Papers will be selected from a broad range of disciplinary perspectives, drawn from the humanities and social sciences, with an emphasis on political theory, both historical and normative. The conference will take place on <strong>Tuesday 29 September 2015</strong>.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"></span><br />
<h3>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Guest speaker</span></h3>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">We are very pleased to announce that </span><a href="https://polisci.wustl.edu/andrew_rehfeld"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Professor Andrew Rehfeld</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> (Washington University in St Louis) has kindly agreed to give a talk entitled “On Representing” that will open the academic year at the department and close the conference.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">There is no conference fee, but participants are responsible for their own accommodation and travels. A light meal will be offered.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"></span><br />
<h3>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Call for papers</span></h3>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">We invite proposals from a diversity of fields that deal with the question of political representation from a historical and/or normative perspective, namely political theory, the history of political thought, philosophy, literary studies, gender studies, classics, sociology, anthropology, and other related fields.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">To submit a paper, please complete the online submission </span><a href="http://www.jotformeu.com/form/51637606095358"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">form</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">. In addition to it, please email a brief (one page) CV and a proposal of 250 to 500 words (max.) for presentations of approximately 20 minutes. Submissions are preferred in .doc, .rtf or .pdf format. Please email them to </span><a href="mailto:representation-2015@york.ac.uk"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">representation-2015@york.ac.uk</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">. The submission deadline is <strong>Friday 31 July 2015</strong>. We will notify authors of the decision regarding their papers by Saturday 15 August 2015.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">We expect to pre-circulate the papers to panel members and the discussant for the panel. The submission deadline for the full paper is Friday 11 September 2015.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">The conference is sponsored by:</span><br />
<ul>
<li><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">the </span><a href="http://www.britac.ac.uk/"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">British Academy</span></a></li>
<li><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">the </span><a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/politics/"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Department of Politics</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> at the University of York</span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">the </span><a href="http://www.yorkgsa.org/"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Graduate Students' Association</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> at the University of York</span></li>
</ul>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">For all enquiries, please email: </span><a href="mailto:representation-2015@york.ac.uk" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">representation-2015@york.ac.uk</span></a>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-91075360714793999122015-06-02T04:08:00.000-07:002015-06-17T04:04:52.022-07:00Mortgaging Development: The World Bank and the Globalisation of Housing Finance<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<![endif]--><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: small;"><i><span style="font-style: italic; line-height: 115%;">Through
this post, Liam Clegg shares some preliminary findings from his research into
the evolution of the World Bank’s lending for housing.</span></i><span style="line-height: 115%;"> </span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">In an <a href="http://uoy-politics.blogspot.co.uk/2014/06/financing-development-world-bank-and.html">earlier
blog</a>, I recounted the story of World Bank lending for housing in Mexico.
The story was told through the prism of Lazaro Cardenas, a port on the Pacific
coast of Mexico. Here, I add further detail on the case. I also present reflections
on whether the Mexican story was a one-off egregious case, or can be seen to illuminate
recurring patterns within the Bank’s lending for housing portfolio.</span></span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;"></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0pt;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;"><br /><br /><i>Lending for Housing in Lazaro Cardenas</i> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0pt;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">To begin,
a recap on Lazaro Cardenas. In the early 1970s, a vast iron ore processing
plant was constructed with Bank support on the outskirts of the town. Inward
migration of c.10,000 construction workers and c.5,000 plant operatives and
their families resulted, with the necessary housing being largely provided
through informal self-builds. The standard of shelter was extremely poor, with utilities
infrastructure almost entirely lacking. To try to remedy the situation that its
intervention had helped to create (internal reports acknowledge the emergence of
‘a chaotic social, environmental, and urban planning situation’ in Lazaro
Cardenas), the Bank approved first lending for housing in Mexico in 1978. </span></span></div>
<br />
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<br /></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0pt;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">The local
municipal Housing Trust was contracted in to provide community facilities,
upgrade existing low-quality shelter, and create thousands of plots of land
with utilities connections for self-build construction (‘serviced plots’). Around
US$40m (2001 value) was earmarked for these purposes. While improvements were
undoubtedly achieved, the project was beset by major problems. Auditors refused
to sign-off on Housing Trust accounts, with poor record keeping making it
impossible to effectively track the purposes to which Bank resources had been
used. Suspicions of mismanagement were later confirmed by the Bank’s own site
visits. </span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0pt;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">World
Bank site visits revealed that facilities the Housing Trust claimed to have supplied
simply did not exist. One of the community developments that bucked the trend was
the Plaza Tabachines, a small local market that did exist, and indeed continues
to exist; the structure can be found on googlemaps (the ‘<i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-style: italic;">medium sized, single storey, red brick commercial centre
with a big sign on its roof</span></i>’ referred to in the previous post).
Unfortunately, it wasn’t built with World Bank money, but with a different pot
of resources. Wherever the balance of the US$40m had gone, it wasn’t to this
Plaza. By a quirk of fate, however, the Plaza has in fact over time come to be
more closely linked with World Bank lending for housing in Mexico.</span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0pt;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">Since
the 1990s, the primary form of the Bank’s lending for housing in Mexico has
been through projects directed at mortgage market extension. First of all, the
Bank supported the federal government make reforms in its mortgage subsidy
scheme. Through a number of mechanisms, those on the margins of housing finance
are now given grants toward a deposit, to enable them to hook in to formal
circuits of housing credit. More recently, the Bank has provided in the region
of US$1bn to support the creation, in the early-2000s, of a Mexican version of
Freddie Mac. The Sociedad Hippotecaria Federal (SHF) has further increase the
pool of capital available for mortgage origination, with around US$15bn of SHF
Mortgage Backed Securities having been sold on by 2010. Other things being
equal, this increased supply of credit will have slightly lowered the cost of
borrowing in the sector. ‘But how does this intersect with Plaza Tabachines?’,
I hear you ask. Well…</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0pt;">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0pt;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">… At
some point in the last few years, HSBC has either bought or begun to rent space
in Plaza Tabachines. Certainly, a large ‘HSBC’ sign is visible on googlemaps. This
means that, if you live in the vicinity and have a sufficiently high income to
be on the margins of accessing housing finance, then you might just be able to
get access to a subsidy to enable you to walk through the doors of this HSBC
and sign on the dotted line. </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0pt;">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0pt;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">For
those individuals with moderately-paying jobs on the margins of gaining access
to credit, these World Bank-supported schemes are undoubtedly beneficial.
However, it’s likely that you’ll only be in a position to sign on the dotted
line if you have an income that is several times the national minimum wage. If
you are in formal employment but have a lower income, or if you work in the
informal economy, you simply won’t be able to benefit from this recent World
Bank lending for housing activity in Mexico. Sadly, if you have a lower income
or work in the informal economy, your need for improved housing is likely to be
significantly more pressing.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span></span><br />
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<br /></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;"><i><span style="font-style: italic;">Mexico: A Representative Case, Unfortunately</span></i></span></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0pt;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">The
previous blog ended with the question of whether the Mexican story provided
‘<i><span style="font-style: italic;">an egregiously bad example of the globalisation of
mortgage markets seeming to distract policy elites from undertaking more
mundane, but betting targeted, housing policy interventions</span></i>’. Sadly, it seems that the
answer is ‘no’; rather than being an egregious outlier, the Mexican case is
broadly representative. </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0pt;">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0pt;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">Since
the mid-1990s, World Bank lending for housing has become quite poorly targeted
across the board. The upgrading of low-quality housing in informal settlements
and the provision of serviced plots has slipped down the organisation’s agenda;
mortgage market extending has shot up the agenda (see Figure 1 below). In some
cases, the benefit of these mortgage-market based operations are being enjoyed
by the highest-income 50 percent of the population; in other cases the top 40
percent; in other cases, yet higher still. </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0pt;">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0pt;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">Much
more detail on the topic will come through ‘Mortgaging Development: The World
Bank and the Globalisation of Housing Finance’, which will be the main output
from this research project. With the help of extremely useful feedback from
colleagues across the University of York’s <a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/politics/">Department of Politics</a>, I’m
currently in the last few months of the re-drafting process (I think!) </span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0pt;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">I will
also continue to use #housingpolicymatters to gather relevant resources and
insights together. Please do consider following @LS_Clegg and contributing your
own interest and expertise to this hashtag-based endeavour. </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0pt;">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">
</span></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0pt;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">And here
are some links for <a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/politics/pgr/">potential PhD
Applicants</a> on this area or other aspects of global economic governance, and
for other potential <a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/politics/ma-pgt/">postgraduate</a>
and <a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/politics/undergraduates/">undergraduate</a>
students. </span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-TrOGQb2iWZk/VW2NeOjQR8I/AAAAAAAAAUQ/x7LwOL8G4ms/s1600/LC-housingfigures.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="192" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-TrOGQb2iWZk/VW2NeOjQR8I/AAAAAAAAAUQ/x7LwOL8G4ms/s320/LC-housingfigures.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0pt; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;"> </span><span style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Source: Author’s analysis of World Bank
project database.</span></span></div>
<br />
<br />
<br />
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Anonymousnoreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-40137806550994895982015-05-28T03:39:00.003-07:002015-05-28T03:40:37.859-07:00EU referendum: what we learned from the Queen’s speech<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/SVimage(small).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/SVimage(small).jpg" /></a></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Dr Sofia Vasilopoulou has written a blog for The Conversation: 'EU referendum: what we learned from the Queen’s speech'. Read it here: </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/eu-referendum-what-we-learned-from-the-queens-speech-42429"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">https://theconversation.com/eu-referendum-what-we-learned-from-the-queens-speech-42429</span></a></span> Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-82051811248058983182015-05-21T02:16:00.000-07:002015-05-21T02:16:56.550-07:00Whatever happened to the strange death of Tory England?<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/martin_smith.gif" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/martin_smith.gif" /></a></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Professor Martin Smith has written a blog with Professor Dave Richards (University of Manchester) for the LSE British Politics and Policy blog: 'Whatever happened to the strange death of Tory England?'. Read it here: <a href="http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/whatever-happened-to-the-strange-death-of-tory-england/">http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/whatever-happened-to-the-strange-death-of-tory-england/</a></span>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-40932552818478485672015-05-21T02:13:00.000-07:002015-05-21T02:13:07.792-07:00Why the UK can’t take business support for the EU for granted<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/SVimage(small).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/SVimage(small).jpg" /></a></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Dr Sofia Vasilopoulou has written a blog for The Conversation: 'Why the UK can’t take business support for the EU for granted'. Read it here: <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-the-uk-cant-take-business-support-for-the-eu-for-granted-41990">https://theconversation.com/why-the-uk-cant-take-business-support-for-the-eu-for-granted-41990</a></span>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-56070722871247129412015-05-11T04:37:00.003-07:002015-05-11T04:37:51.642-07:00The case for proportional representation in the UK just became clearer<a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/martin_smith.gif" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/martin_smith.gif" /></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Professor Martin Smith has written a blog for The Conversation: 'The case for proportional representation in the UK just became clearer'. Read it here: <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-case-for-proportional-representation-in-the-uk-just-became-clearer-41544">https://theconversation.com/the-case-for-proportional-representation-in-the-uk-just-became-clearer-41544</a></span>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-49408897615095539552015-05-06T03:27:00.003-07:002015-05-11T04:39:19.921-07:00What Europe thinks about the British election<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/SVimage(small).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/SVimage(small).jpg" /></a></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Dr Sofia Vasilopoulou has written a blog for The Conversation: 'What Europe thinks about the British election'. Read it here: <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-europe-thinks-about-the-british-election-41321">https://theconversation.com/what-europe-thinks-about-the-british-election-41321</a></span>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-81900898491857115722015-04-17T09:30:00.001-07:002015-05-11T04:40:01.336-07:00If Cameron wants a property owning democracy, he has to support the mansion tax <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/mo-205x268.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/mo-205x268.jpg" /></a></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Dr Martin O'Neill has written a blog for The Conversation: 'If Cameron wants a property owning democracy, he has to support the mansion tax'<span id="ctl00_PageHolder_ContentHolder_Main_lblTitle">. </span>Read it here: <a href="http://theconversation.com/if-cameron-wants-a-property-owning-democracy-he-has-to-support-the-mansion-tax-40203">http://theconversation.com/if-cameron-wants-a-property-owning-democracy-he-has-to-support-the-mansion-tax-40203</a></span>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-87084982064695543792015-04-17T09:28:00.003-07:002015-05-11T04:41:10.015-07:00Manifesto Check: Green Party has no clear vision on the EU<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/SVimage(small).jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/SVimage(small).jpg" /></a></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Dr Sofia Vasilopoulou has written a blog for The Conversation: 'Manifesto Check: Green Party has no clear vision on the EU'<span id="ctl00_PageHolder_ContentHolder_Main_lblTitle">. </span>Read it here: </span><a href="http://theconversation.com/manifesto-check-green-party-has-no-clear-vision-on-the-eu-40193"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">http://theconversation.com/manifesto-check-green-party-has-no-clear-vision-on-the-eu-40193</span></a>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-14209033782439868682015-04-17T09:27:00.000-07:002015-05-11T04:40:56.276-07:00Green Party opts for quantity with huge manifesto wishlist <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/ntc1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/ntc1.jpg" /></a></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Professor Neil Carter has written a blog for The Conversation: '<span id="ctl00_PageHolder_ContentHolder_Main_lblTitle">Green Party opts for quantity with huge manifesto wishlist'. </span>Read the full article here: </span><a href="http://theconversation.com/green-party-opts-for-quantity-with-huge-manifesto-wishlist-40202"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">http://theconversation.com/green-party-opts-for-quantity-with-huge-manifesto-wishlist-40202</span></a>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1991389350086569981.post-4546201365604999132015-04-17T02:13:00.002-07:002015-04-17T02:13:53.812-07:00Against Ad Hocery: UK Devolution and the Need for Consultation, Consensus and Consideration<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/martin_smith.gif" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://www.york.ac.uk/media/politics/images/individuals/martin_smith.gif" /></a></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Professor Martin Smith has written a blog with Professor Dave Richards (University of Manchester) entitled 'Against Ad Hocery: UK Devolution and the Need for Consultation, Consensus and Consideration'. Follow this link to read it: </span><a href="http://blog.policy.manchester.ac.uk/featured/2015/04/against-ad-hocery-uk-devolution-and-the-need-for-consultation-consensus-and-consideration/"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">http://blog.policy.manchester.ac.uk/featured/2015/04/against-ad-hocery-uk-devolution-and-the-need-for-consultation-consensus-and-consideration/</span></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">.</span>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16059021680768364548noreply@blogger.com0